Joy Luck Club Film - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 2 Words: 683 Downloads: 2 Date added: 2019/07/31 Category Literature Essay Level High school Tags: Joy Luck Club Essay Did you like this example? In the joy luck club film there were four stories all dealing with different teaching methods different emotions. All the mothers and children had something emotional happen to them. Thats where the diverse parenting styles come in. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Joy Luck Club Film" essay for you Create order The first story would be Ai-Mei and Rose the way Ai-Mei raised rose was that she wanted the best for her. For her not to be treated without respect she wanted her to have dignity, she wasnt really strict she just always had great advice for rose because when she realized that she was showing the same similarities as her grandmother not knowing her worth but after hearing her grandmother story she finally stood up to her american husband Ted. The second story would be Lindos and Waverly. Lindo was taught to be humble and bite her tongue and hide her thoughts until she feel at a disadvantage she learned this strategy in china while being in a loveless marriage. She later realized her worth so she walked away from her marriage so she wouldnt disappoint her family. When Lindo later had a child she taught her daughter the same way. Lindo had very strict parenting method she wanted her to be perfect she always wanted the best for her child but waverly felt as though her mother was being to controlling. The third story would be about Suyuan and June , June takes her mothers place in the joy luck club after she dies , June is American she grew up different from the rest mostly feeling misunderstood and frustrated with herself because she did not know what she wanted to do as she was growing up. June felt like she went unnoticed for years by her mother because they didnt connect like the rest of the daughters and their mothers , after a long emotion conversation June began to realize that her Suyuan knew that her daughter was different she just didnt know how to accept it , knowing her mothers story helped her realize that they were both stronger than they thought they could ever be. Ying-ying and lena ying-ying married young, it was a happy marriage but it got really bad after they had their baby, her husband would cheat on her he would use the baby. Ying ying felt like he loved the baby more than her so she kills the baby it really hurt but ying ying felt like it would hurt him how he hurt her. She then had a second daughter lena shes really smart because her mother raised her to know her worth. The story that stood out to me the most would have to be lindo and waverly story because lindo pushed waverly to do better and always be the best. My mother always tell me i need you to do this that and the third in order to be here at a certain age i always feel pressured even to this day and thats kinda how me and waverly relate to each other both our parents only worrying about how our failure would affect them pride wise and not looking at it as if we fail on our own and dont feel bad about it it would only make us want to do better. The values that the mother wants to pass on would be in order to do best you have to push yourself none stop, you have to know how to talk to people for you to get far in life. The love in this story really wasnt being expressed because lindo really didnt know how to show it she was always strict and worrying about being controlling waverly felt like her mother didnt love her. The parenting relationship between the mother and the daughter i would have to say obedience lindo wanted her daughter to always listen to her no matter what. How waverly copes with her american identity is always being first best at everything because thats how she was raised in society. For example when they were sitting at the dinner table she made a smart remark about how rose paper didnt sound sophisticated.

Biography of Richard Nixon, 37th U.S. President

Richard M. Nixon (January 9, 1913–April 22, 1994) was the 37th president of the United States, serving from 1969 to 1974. Prior to that, he was a U.S. senator from California and vice president under Dwight Eisenhower. As a result of his involvement in the Watergate scandal, a cover-up of illegal activities connected with his reelection committee, Nixon became the first and only U.S. president to resign from office. Fast Facts: Richard Nixon Known For: Nixon was the 37th president of the United States and the only president to resign from office.Also Known As: Richard Milhous Nixon, â€Å"Tricky Dick†Born:  January 9, 1913 in Yorba Linda, CaliforniaParents: Francis A. Nixon and Hannah Milhous NixonDied:  April 22, 1994 in New York, New YorkEducation: Whittier College, Duke University Law SchoolSpouse:  Thelma Catherine Pat Ryan (m. 1940–1993)Children: Tricia, JulieNotable Quote: â€Å"People have got to know whether or not their president is a crook. Well, I’m not a crook. I’ve earned everything I’ve got.† Early Life Richard Milhous Nixon was born on January 19, 1913, to Francis A. Nixon and Hannah Milhous Nixon in Yorba Linda, California. Nixon’s father was a rancher, but after his ranch failed he moved the family to Whittier, California, where he opened a service station and grocery store. Nixon grew up poor and was raised in a very conservative, Quaker household. Nixon had four brothers: Harold, Donald, Arthur, and Edward. Harold died of tuberculosis at age 23 and Arthur died at age 7 of tubercular encephalitis. Education Nixon was an exceptional student and graduated second in his class at Whittier College, where he won a scholarship to attend Duke University Law School in North Carolina. After graduating from Duke in 1937, Nixon was unable to find work on the East Coast and decided to move back to Whittier, where he worked as a small-town lawyer. Nixon met his wife, Thelma Catherine Patricia â€Å"Pat† Ryan, when the two played opposite one another in a community theater production. He and Pat were married on June 21, 1940, and had two children: Tricia (born in 1946) and Julie (born in 1948). World War II On December 7, 1941, Japan attacked the U.S. Naval base at Pearl Harbor, ushering the United States into World War II. Shortly afterward, Nixon moved from Whittier to Washington D.C., where he took a job at the Office of Price Administration (OPA). As a Quaker, Nixon was eligible to apply for an exemption from military service. He was bored with his role at the OPA, however, so he applied to the Navy and joined in August 1942 at the age of 29. Nixon was stationed as a naval control officer in the South Pacific Combat Air Transport. While Nixon did not serve in a combat role during the war, he was awarded two service stars and a citation of commendation and was eventually promoted to the rank of lieutenant commander. Nixon resigned his commission in January 1946. Congressional Service In 1946, Nixon ran for a seat in the House of Representatives for the 12th Congressional District of California. To beat his opponent, five-term Democratic incumbent Jerry Voorhis, Nixon used a variety of smear tactics, insinuating that Voorhis had communist ties because he had once been endorsed by the labor organization CIO-PAC. Nixon won the election. Nixon’s tenure in the House of Representatives was notable for his anti-communist crusading. He served as a member of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), which was responsible for investigating individuals and groups with suspected ties to communism. Nixon was also instrumental in the investigation and conviction for perjury of Alger Hiss, an alleged member of an underground communist organization. Nixon’s aggressive questioning of Hiss at the HUAC hearing was central to securing Hiss’ conviction and won Nixon national attention. Wikimedia Commons   Nixon ran for a seat in the Senate in 1950. Once again, he used smear tactics against his opponent, Helen Douglas. Nixon was so overt in his attempt to tie Douglas to communism that he even had some of his flyers printed on pink paper. In response to Nixons smear tactics and his attempt to get Democrats to cross party lines and vote for him, a Democratic committee ran a full-page ad in several papers with a political cartoon of Nixon shoveling hay labeled â€Å"Campaign Trickery† into a donkey labeled Democrat. Under the cartoon was written, â€Å"Look at Tricky Dick Nixon’s Republican Record.† Despite the ad, Nixon went on to win the election—but the nickname Tricky Dick stuck with him. Run for Vice President When Dwight D. Eisenhower decided to run as the Republican Partys candidate for president in 1952, he needed a running mate. Nixon’s anti-communist position and strong base of support in California made him an ideal choice. During the campaign, Nixon was nearly removed from the ticket when he was accused of financial improprieties for allegedly using an $18,000 campaign contribution for personal expenses. In a televised address that became known as the â€Å"Checkers† speech delivered on September 23, 1952, Nixon defended his honesty and integrity. In a bit of levity, Nixon stated that there was one personal gift that he just wasnt going to return—a little Cocker Spaniel dog, whom his 6-year-old daughter had named Checkers. The speech was enough of a success to keep Nixon on the ticket. Vice Presidency After Eisenhower won the presidential election in November 1952, Nixon, now vice president, focused much of his attention on foreign affairs. In 1953, he visited several countries in the Far East. In 1957 he visited Africa, and in 1958 he visited Latin America. Nixon was also instrumental in helping push the Civil Rights Act of 1957 through Congress. In 1959, Nixon met with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in Moscow. In what became known as the â€Å"Kitchen Debate,† an impromptu argument erupted over the ability of each nation to provide good food and a good life to its citizens. The profanity-laced argument soon escalated as both leaders defended their countrys way of life. After Eisenhower suffered a heart attack in 1955 and a stroke in 1957, Nixon was called on to assume some of his high-level duties. At the time, there was no formal process for the transfer of power in the event of a presidential disability. Nixon and Eisenhower worked out an agreement that became the basis for the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, which was ratified on February 10, 1967. The amendment detailed the procedure for presidential succession in the event of the presidents incapacitation or death. Failed Presidential Run of 1960 After Eisenhower completed his two terms in office, Nixon launched his own bid for the White House in 1960 and easily won the Republican nomination. His opponent on the Democratic side was Massachusetts Sen. John F. Kennedy, who campaigned on the idea of bringing a new generation of leadership to the White House. The 1960 campaign was the first to make use of the new medium of television for advertisements, news, and policy debates. For the first time in American history, citizens were afforded the ability to follow the presidential campaign in real time. Bettmann Archive / Getty Images For the first debate, Nixon chose to wear little makeup, wore a badly selected gray suit, and came across looking old and tired compared to the younger and more photogenic Kennedy. The race remained tight, but Nixon eventually lost the election to Kennedy by 120,000 votes. Nixon spent the years between 1960 and 1968 writing a bestselling book, Six Crises, which recounted his role in six political crises. He also ran unsuccessfully for governor of California against Democratic incumbent Pat Brown. 1968 Election In November 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas. Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson assumed the office of the presidency and easily won re-election in 1964. In 1967, as the 1968 election approached, Nixon announced his own candidacy and easily won the Republican nomination. Faced with mounting disapproval ratings, Johnson withdrew as a candidate during the campaign. The new Democratic front-runner became Robert F. Kennedy, the younger brother of John. Wikimedia Commons   On June 5, 1968, Robert Kennedy was shot and killed following his victory in the California primary. Rushing now to find a replacement, the Democratic Party nominated Johnson’s vice president, Hubert Humphrey, to run against Nixon. Alabama Governor George Wallace had also joined the race as an independent. In another close election, Nixon won the presidency by 500,000 popular votes. Presidency Major domestic accomplishments during Nixons presidency included Neil Armstrongs and Buzz Aldrins historic walk on the moon in 1969; the establishment of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in 1970; and the passage of the 26th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1971, which granted 18-year-olds the right to vote. Nixons focus on foreign relations had him initially escalating the Vietnam War as he implemented a controversial bombing campaign against the neutral nation of Cambodia to disrupt North Vietnamese supply lines. Later, however, Nixon was instrumental in withdrawing all combat units from Vietnam, and by 1973 he had ended mandatory military conscription. Fighting within Vietnam finally ceased when Saigon fell to the North Vietnamese in 1975. In 1972, with the help of his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, President Nixon and his wife Pat embarked on a week-long trip to China in order to establish diplomatic relations. Resentment between China and the U.S. had lingered following the Korean War, during which China had fought against U.S. forces. The visit marked the first time a U.S. president had visited the communist nation, which was then under the control of Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong. Nixons visit was an important step in improving relations between these two powerful nations. Watergate Scandal Nixon was reelected in 1972 in what is considered one of the largest landslide victories in U.S. history. Unfortunately, Nixon was willing to use any means necessary to ensure his re-election. On June 17, 1972, five men were caught breaking into the Democratic Party headquarters at the Watergate complex in Washington, D.C., to plant listening devices. Nixon’s campaign staff believed the devices would provide information that could be used against Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern. While the Nixon administration initially denied involvement in the break-in, two young newspaper reporters for the Washington Post, Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward, obtained information from a source known as â€Å"Deep Throat,† who became instrumental in tying the administration to the break-in. Nixon remained defiant throughout the Watergate scandal, and in a televised statement on November 17, 1973, he infamously stated, â€Å"People have got to know whether or not their president is a crook. Well, I’m not a crook. I’ve earned everything I’ve got.† During the investigation that followed, it was revealed that Nixon had installed a secret tape-recording system in the White House. A legal battle ensued, with Nixon reluctantly agreeing to the release of 1,200 pages of transcripts from what became known as the â€Å"Watergate Tapes.† Mysteriously, there was an 18-minute gap on one of the tapes, which a secretary claimed she had accidentally erased. Impeachment Proceedings and Resignation With the release of the tapes, the House Judiciary Committee opened impeachment proceedings against Nixon. On July 27, 1974, with a vote of 27-11, the Committee voted in favor of bringing articles of impeachment against Nixon. On August 8, 1974, having lost the support of the Republican Party and facing impeachment, Nixon delivered his resignation speech from the Oval Office. At noon the next day, Nixon became the first president in United States history to resign from office. Nixon’s vice president Gerald R. Ford assumed the office of president. On September 8, 1974, Ford granted Nixon a â€Å"full, free and absolute pardon,† ending any chance of an indictment against Nixon. Death After his resignation from office, Nixon retired to San Clemente, California. He wrote both his memoirs and several books on international affairs. With the success of his books, he became somewhat of an authority on American foreign relations, improving his public reputation. Toward the end of his life, Nixon actively campaigned for American support and financial aid for Russia and other former Soviet republics. On April 18, 1994, Nixon suffered a stroke and died four days later at the age of 81. Legacy In his time, Nixon was known for his uneasy public persona and intense secrecy. He is now best remembered for his involvement in the Watergate scandal and his resignation from office, a presidential first. He has been depicted in a variety of dramatic films and documentaries, including Frost/Nixon, Secret Honor, The Assassination of Richard Nixon, and Our Nixon. Sources Ambrose, Stephen E.  Nixon. Simon and Schuster, 1987.Gellman, Irwin F.  The Contender, Richard Nixon: the Congress Years, 1946-1952. Free Press, 1999.

Managing Across Cultures To all managers - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 6 Words: 1716 Downloads: 2 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Management Essay Type Analytical essay Did you like this example? The purpose of this report is to provide you with an understanding of the techniques that can be used to maximise the performance of a cross-cultural team. There are many more ideas and way available, nevertheless, the ideas here are a start and will enable you to develop your expertise further. With a cross cultural and diverse team you will have a wide pool of skills with those in your team having a very different understanding of what you expect from them. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Managing Across Cultures To all managers" essay for you Create order With a proactive management approach you can maximise these benefits, including training, planning for and committing to diversity as a core strength. By preparing yourself and using the strategies in this report you will be able to achieve synergy, where the team is greater than the sum of the individuals. Many managers and team members question their ability to manage diversity. When someone is different in looks, language, or actions, people may initially feel uncomfortable and wonder how to communicate. After all, the influences that make people behave and interrelate the way they do are complex, and someone unfamiliar with diversity may feel intimidated or confused. Incorporating training into the workplace, based on awareness and understanding of the issues will enable you to lay the foundation for the effective management of a diverse team. Introduction In todays society with cross-culture and diversity in the workplace, it is certain that your team will be diverse. It is the intention that you be made fully aware of how to manage the various cross-cultural and diverse differences. This report will be providing you with information to enable you to understand: the concept of diversity how to communicate effectively the consequences of failing to manage a cross culture and diverse team effectively how to manage a cross culture and diverse team effectively Your team members commitment will depend on whether they are in the core inside circle or involved at a peripheral level. (Kao and NG, 1992) page 377 The key is engaging the member, whereby you will be able to maximise their productiveness. Many of the suggestions will originate from the Handbook by Harry etcc and Anastasia Bibikova and Vadim Kotelnikov, founder of the Ten3 Business e-Coach training material. The concept of diversity Diversity isnt just about how people look or where they come from, its about differences, but not just differences in gender, race, or class. Diversity encompasses other differences as well for example, in abilities or values and beliefs (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). Some narrowly-focused definitions only refer to diversity in terms of basic personal characteristics. But a true understanding of diversity includes more subtle differences. After all, two people from completely different geographical locations may differ in terms of gender, race, or language, but may share the same beliefs. Alternatively, two similar people of the same gender and community and even working in the same organization can have very different beliefs and values (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). Diversity encompasses all the ways in which people differ. Diversity can bring with it new and relevant approaches to work. Only when you move beyond simply thinking of it in terms of someones cultural ba ckground can you reap the rewards diversity can bring. Think about a great manager whos really motivated you in the past. What comes to mind? Many people describe such managers as fair, respectful, encouraging, objective, clear, and good listeners. The key in a diverse work environment is to be this way with everyone and not only with the team members whom you feel comfortable with. Managing a diverse team requires a commitment to demonstrate these kinds of attitudes and behaviours with everyone on the team. The more you can really connect with each of your team members, the more youll be able to create a highly productive environment. Once youve established your initial approach to managing diversity by building cross-cultural awareness in yourself and your team, you need to use different techniques to maintain the approach. One technique for managing a diverse team is to effective communication. How to communicate effectively Problems in communication can often be a result of cross-cultural issues. Diaz-guerrero has suggested that when people interact culture dictates the priorities in their conversation. Pg 341. There is a requirement to grasp cultural singularities in order for effective communication to be achieved (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). Communicating inclusively is being careful that your language doesnt make anyone feel marginalised. All team members should feel comfortable and know their contributions matter. Listening is one of the most important communication skills. You must listen actively to what your team members have to say to be sure you understand what theyre trying to communicate. You also have to be clear when you communicate. Especially in diverse environments, you need to check to make sure all team members understand you (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). The example below illustrates how a simple hand gesture can be misinterpreted (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). Di fficulties in managing your team can arise with discrepancies between cultures. People from different cultural backgrounds have different understanding of what makes a good manager. They also will have different understandings of situations and appropriate behaviour (Shaw 1990, 380-381) Your automatic response may not be seen as correct in the opinion of someone from another culture. (Shaw 1990, 380-381) It is recommended that you allow yourself to be exposed to other cultures. (Shaw 1990, 380-381) As a manager of a mature team you will have established a common ground of communication and a basis for mutual understanding. (Anderson, 381) In such circumstances the cultural diversity will not be a hindrance to maximise the teams performance. (Graen and Wakabayasia, 1984, 381) The consequences of failing to manage a cross culture and diverse team effectively In the workplace, there are job demands that require a certain degree of conformity. Does that mean everyone should strive to become more similar, especially when they have to work together? Not at all, people can be very diverse and still find common ground (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). Some cultures and particularly those in Asian countries, devalue work and associate physical labour to being in slavery. (Frans Maeh Sali |Desai, 374). But more and more, people understand that all the various groups have a great deal to contribute, and can still retain and even celebrate their differences. This doesnt mean its always easy to manage diversity effectively and if its not managed well, diversity can actually decrease group cohesiveness, making it difficult for teams to benefit from their differences in perspective. A challenge for you is to encourage greater cohesion. If diversity isnt managed well, differences can result in wide-ranging effects on a team: social catego risation in a process known as social categorisation, people may judge team members as like me as part of an ingroup or as different from me as in an outgroup poor communication language differences that arise with diverse teams can result in poor communication that impedes understanding conflict team members may feel discomfort with differences, have attitudes based on stereotypes, or be biased against the unfamiliar, which can all lead to conflict (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). Social categorisation and poor communication often lead to stereotyping. Its common, especially when a new team meets, for members to form opinions about each other based on what they see. They also form opinions on how they expect people to behave. But stereotypes are closed categories that leave no room for individual differences or exceptions, conflict can occur. When people hold preconceived ideas, theyre resistant to ideas or individuals that challenge the stereotype and the person bei ng stereotyped often resents being pigeonholed (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). This emphasises the need for businesses to manage their teams more effectively. Managing a diverse team effectively A team consisting of many cultures is not necessarily a recipe for disaster. (Anderson, 381) Diversity helps to spark creativity, expand horizons, reveals new ways to approach the world, or grow a business. Without diversity in the workplace, companies run the risk of becoming mono cultural, with only one limited perspective. Effectively managing diversity goes beyond respecting the differences between people. Its about putting those differences to work in the best possible way for both the company and your team members Managing diversity in the workplace is more than simple compliance with laws and regulations. Effective diversity management can address issues such as social categorisation, poor communication, and conflict, and create stronger, more cohesive teams. You can reap several benefits from being able to manage diverse teams effectively: encourage greater creativity youll be able to encourage the greater creativity that comes with a diverse team develop high-quality solutions youll be able to harness the potential of diverse teams to make better-qua lity decisions and develop high-quality solutions be a more effective leader youll be seen as a more effective leader who can direct and guide a cohesive team of diverse individuals create job satisfaction for your team members youll create better job satisfaction for your team members, who will then be more motivated to work for you A diverse team thats well managed one thats comfortable communicating all the varying points of view can be more creative. That same creativity can lead to better team decisions and solutions and resulting in a high performance team. Conclusion When you manage a diverse team well, you can inspire them to perform beyond their perceived potential. Youll be seen as a more effective and valued leader as you are able to communicate well with a diverse group of individuals. By showing your team that their needs and interests are important, youll also create better job satisfaction for all. In turn, your team will be more motivated to achieve the results to enhance your position (Bibikova and Kotelnikov, 2010). In a global business environment, it can be a challenge to manage a diverse team effectively. You need to be able to harness all your team members potential to help them improve their performance. Not managing diverse teams effectively can lead to the problems of social categorisation, poor communication, and conflict and the result in loss productivity. There are many benefits to being able to manage a diverse team effectively. Youll be able to encourage greater creativity, come to better team decisions and solutions, be a more effective leader, and have a happier and more motivated team.

Which Meaning of Compensation Seems Most Appropriate from...

Which meaning of compensation seems most appropriate from an employee’s view: Return, reward or entitlement? Compensation and Benefits remain as an invaluable tool to attract, motivate and retain qualified candidates. Compensation refers to the wages and other non-financial forms of compensation that an organisation pay to employees for the work they do. Compensation can be given out to employees in the form of pay, incentives, and benefits for performing their job. A total compensation and benefits package aids the organisation in increasing and maintaining the individual’s and team’s morale, encourage motivation towards peak performance, achieve internal and external equity, and increases employees’ loyalty to the organisation.†¦show more content†¦Financial rewards, especially those given on a regular basis such as bonuses, profit sharing, etc., should be tied to an employees or a groups accomplishments and should be considered pay at risk in o rder to distance them from salary. By doing so, a manager can avoid a sense of entitlement on the part of the employee and ensure that the reward emphasizes excellence or achievement rather than basic competency. Merit pay increases, then, are not part of an employee reward system. Normally, they are an increase for inflation with additional percentages separating employees by competency. They are not particularly motivating since the distinction that is usually made between a good employee and an average one is relatively small. In addition, they increase the fixed costs of a company as opposed to variable pay increases, such as bonuses, which have to be re-earned each year. Finally, in many small businesses teamwork is a crucial element of a successful employees job. Merit increases generally review an individuals job performance, without adequately taking into account the performance within the context of the group or business. Types of Reward Programs include: Variable Pay, Bonu ses, Profit Sharing, Stock Options, Group- based reward systems, Bonuses are generally short-term motivators. By rewarding an employees performance for the previous year, they encourage a short-term perspective rather than future-orientedShow MoreRelatedWage and Salary Chapter 112487 Words   |  50 PagesMilkovich−Newman: Compensation, Eighth Edition Front Matter 1. The Pay Model  © The McGraw−Hill Companies, 2004 Chapter One The Pay Model Chapter Outline Compensation: Definition, Please? Society Stockholders Managers Employees Global Views—Vive la diffà ©rence Forms of Pay Cash Compensation: Base Cash Compensation: Merit Pay/ Cost-of-Living Adjustments Cash Compensation: Incentives Long-Term Incentives Benefits: Income Protection Benefits: Work/Life Focus Benefits: Allowances Total EarningsRead MoreCompensation Management9389 Words   |  38 PagesCompensation Management Q1.a. 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Persuasive Communication Theory Free Essays

Persuasive Communication Theory in Social Psychology: A Historical Perspective Icek Ajzen University of Massachusetts – Amherst From M. J. Manfredo (Ed) (1992). We will write a custom essay sample on Persuasive Communication Theory or any similar topic only for you Order Now Influencing Human Behavior: Theory and Applications in Recreation and Tourism (pp 1– 27). Champaign, IL: Sagamore Publishing. Persuasive Communication Theory Page 1 Few subjects in social psychology have attracted as much interest and attention as persuasive communication. One of the first topics to be systematically investigated, persuasion has been the focus of intense research efforts throughout much of social psychology’s brief scientific history. Untold experiments have been conducted to unravel the intricate web of factors that appear to play a role in determining the effectiveness of a persuasive message. These attempts have revealed a degree of complexity that seems to defy explanation and that poses serious obstacles to theory construction. However, recent years have seen considerable progress at the theoretical level and a resurgence of empirical work has done much to invigorate the field and provide a better understanding of the fundamental psychological processes underlying persuasion. To appreciate the significance of these developments we must compare the emerging ideas and research findings with those from earlier efforts. The present chapter is designed to provide the required historical perspective. Since it aims to review developments in our understanding of the persuasion process, emphasis is placed on ideas and theories rather than on methodological or practical concerns; empirical research findings are summarized only in broad outline when needed to make a point of theoretical significance. The solution of problems created by recreation and tourism often involves persuasion in one form or another. As the chapters in the second part of this book illustrate, recreationists must be persuaded to observe rules of safety, to avoid conflicts with other visitors, and to keep their impact on the environment to a minimum. Although social psychologists have rarely tested their ideas in the context of recreation and tourism, the findings and conclusions discussed below have obvious implications for any attempt to influence beliefs, attitudes, and behavior in this domain. THE NATURE OF PERSUASION Persuasive communication involves the use of verbal messages to influence attitudes and behavior. Although the context of persuasion must necessarily be considered, the verbal message, designed to sway the hearts and minds of the receivers, is at the core of persuasive communication. Through a process of reasoning, the message exerts its influence by force of the arguments it contains. As we shall see below, this emphasis on reasoning sets persuasive communication apart from other social influence strategies. Structure of a Message As a general rule, a message consists of three parts: An advocated position, a set of general arguments in support of the advocated position, and specific factual evidence designed to bolster the general arguments (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1981). The advocated position may be a stand on a particular issue (e. g. , support for a tax increase) or a recommended action (e. g. , donating blood). The general arguments will typically supply reasons for adopting the advocated position, and justification for the arguments is provided in the form of factual evidence. Consider the question of instituting a senior comprehensive examination for undergraduate college students. Petty and Cacioppo (1986, pp. 54-59) published some examples of general arguments and supportive evidence they have used in their research program. Among the major arguments contained in Petty and Cacioppo’s messages were the claims that instituting a comprehensive exam raises students’ grade point averages and leads to improvement in the quality of undergraduate teaching. The factual evidence in support of the first argument was formulated as follows (pp. 4-55): The National Scholarship Achievement Board recently revealed the results of a five-year study conducted on the effectiveness of comprehensive exams at Duke University. The results of the study showed that since the comprehensive exam has been introduced at Duke, the grade point average of undergraduates has increased by 31%. At comparable schools without the exams, grades increased by only 8% over the sam e period. The prospect of a comprehensive exam clearly seems to be effective in challenging students to work harder and faculty to teach more effectively. It is likely that the benefits observed at Duke University could also Persuasive Communication Theory Page 2 be observed at other universities that adopt the exam policy. If accepted as valid, the factual evidence should result in acceptance of the argument that instituting a senior comprehensive exam will raise grade point averages, and acceptance of the argument in turn should increase the likelihood that receivers will endorse the position in favor of instituting a comprehensive exam, as advocated in the message. There is, of course, no assurance that receivers of a message will in fact accept the arguments and evidence it contains. On the contrary, identifying the factors and conditions that produce acceptance of information contained in a message is the major purpose of persuasion theory and research. Alternative Influence Strategies In order to develop a better understanding of the nature of persuasion, it is instructive to contrast persuasion with a few alternative influence strategies. The review offered here is far from exhaustive but it will help highlight some critical aspects of persuasive communication. Coercive Persuasion People can be induced to behave in a prescribed way by offering a sizable reward for compliance or by threatening severe punishment for noncompliance. This strategy of change can be very effective in producing the desired behavior, but its effectiveness is contingent on supervision (French and Raven, 1959) and has few lasting effects on beliefs or attitudes. Enduring attitude change by means of coercion is more likely in the context of total institutions, such as prisons, mental hospitals, or prisoner-of-war camps. Situations of this kind enable control over many aspects of an individual’s life for an extended period of time. Even here, however, enduring attitude change is difficult to obtain and often fades after release from the institution (see Schein, 1961). Hypnosis and Subliminal Perception Instead of trying to overcome resistance to change by force of coercion, one can attempt to circumvent conscious opposition by means of hypnosis or presentation of subliminal messages. Posthypnotic induction can be used to instruct individuals upon awakening to engage in specified behaviors or to hold new attitudes (e. . , Rosenberg, 1956). There is, however, some question as to whether hypnosis actually represents an altered state of consciousness that can be used to circumvent people’s usual resistance to manipulation of their beliefs and actions (cf. Barber, 1965; Wagstaff, 1981). Use of subliminal perception to bring about change is similarly problematic. Its effectiveness depends on the presentation of information at an intensity level too low for conscious perception, yet high enough for it to enter unconscious or subconscious awareness. Clearly, such a fine balance demands careful calibration and, given individual differences in perceptual acuity, may not be achievable in a mass communication context. In any event, even when subliminal perception can be demonstrated, its effects on attitudes and behavior tend to be of rather small magnitude (cf. Erdelyi, 1974). Conditioning and Affect Transfer Another way of trying to avoid resistance to change involves the use of conditioning procedures. It has been argued that attitudes can be changed by means of classical conditioning (e. . , Staats and Staats, 1958) and that behavior can be influenced through the systematic use of reinforcements in an instrumental conditional paradigm (e. g. , Krasner, 1958). Since the advantage of conditioning in comparison to direct persuasion rests on the assumed ability of conditioning to operate without awareness of the influence attempt, the extent to which individuals submitted to conditioning form hypotheses about systematic associations created in the conditioning paradigm is of crucial importance. Contrary to earlier claims, it now appears that there is no convincing evidence that adult human beings can be conditioned without awareness (cf. Brewer, 1974). An idea related to classical conditioning has emerged in the recent marketing literature where it has been proposed (Batra and Ray, 1986; Mitchell and Olson, 1981) that positive or negative affect elicited by one stimulus (the advertising) can transfer automatically to an associated stimulus (the advertised brand). This Persuasive Communication Theory Page 3 ffect transfer, however, is assumed to occur only when individuals have no other, more informed basis, for evaluating the brand in question (Shimp, 1981). Moreover, given the results of research on conditioning in human beings, it can be assumed that affect transfer, if it occurs at all, occurs only in the presence of awareness of the contingencies involved. Subterfuge obvious heuristic in a persuasion context has to do with the communicator’s credibility. The posi tion advocated in a message may be accepted if the message comes from a highly credible source but rejected if the source is perceived to lack credibility. When using this rule of thumb, receivers accept or reject the advocated position or action without considering the merits of the arguments contained in the message. Conclusions Whereas the strategies discussed thus far all in one way or another try to prevent or neutralize awareness of, and thus resistance to, the influence attempt, the strategies considered here subtly manipulate the situation in order to promote a psychological state that leads people voluntarily to engage in the desired behavior. The foot-in-the-door technique (Freedman and Fraser, 1966) and other sales ploys are good examples of this approach. When using the footin-the-door technique, a small request SQ acceded to by most individuals SQ is followed by a much larger request. Due presumably to the commitment produced by agreeing to the small request, conformity with the large request tends to increase. An alternative strategy involves first confronting a person with an unreasonably large request and then appearing to compromise by offering compliance with a smaller request. In a highly readable book, Cialdini (1988) describes a number of ways in which subterfuge of this kind can be employed to elicit behaviors that might otherwise not be performed. Subterfuge strategies take advantage of people’s various needs to reciprocate any favor received, to be liked by others, to be consistent, and so forth. Compliance is secured without the benefit of discussing the merits or costs of the requested action. Heuristics We have noted that change by means of persuasive communication is based on a careful deliberation of the pros and cons associated with an advocated position or ction. We shall see in subsequent sections, however, that receivers of a message sometimes make judgments about the advocated position without going through an elaborate reasoning process. Instead, they may rely on heuristics or rules of thumb to arrive at a conclusion (cf. Chaiken, 1980, 1987). The most Our discussion shows that social influence can operate in a variety of ways and th at various strategies are available to take advantage of the different possibilities. Nevertheless, persuasive communication occupies a unique position in the matrix of social influence. Of all the available strategies it is the only one that appeals to reason, attempting to bring about change and compliance by convincing the individual of the validity or legitimacy of the advocated position. This tactic can be much more difficult than, say, coercion, but it also has important advantages. Besides being more compatible with democratic and humanistic values, persuasive communication can produce profound and lasting change, a goal not easily attained by other means. THE PERSUASION CONTEXT No message appears in a vacuum. At a minimum, we can usually identify the source of a message: an editor of a newspaper editorial, a lawyer pleading a client’s case before a jury, or a movie star asking for donations to a charity. The communicator’s identity, however, is only one of the many factors that constitute the context of persuasive communication. Classical analysis (Lasswell, 1948) has divided communication into several distinct aspects that can be summarized as who says what, how, and to whom. More formally these aspects are known as source, message, channel, and receiver factors; together, they constitute the context of 1 persuasion. Source Factors Source factors are observed or inferred characteristics of the communicator. They include biological attributes such as age, race, height, and sex; behavioral features such as Persuasive Communication Theory Page 4 facial expressions, mannerisms, hand and body movements, and the way the communicator is dressed; social properties such as income, power, and social status; and personality traits such as self-confidence and extraversion. The most frequently studied source factors, however, are the communicator’s credibility and attractiveness. Credibility refers to the perceived expertise and trustworthiness of the communicator. In other words, does the communicator have the knowledge to provide an informed opinion on the issue in question and, if so, can he or she be trusted to present all relevant information in an unbiased fashion? As noted earlier, persuasion is generally assumed to increase with credibility. It has similarly been proposed that the amount of change is influenced by the attractiveness or likability of the source, whether attractiveness is defined in terms of physical features or psychological and behavioral characteristics. Receiver Factors On the opposite end of the communication context, parallel to source factors, are characteristics of the receiver or audience to whom the message is addressed. These characteristics include the receivers’ personality traits, sex, social status, intelligence, involvement, and so forth. Any attribute of the audience, or combination of attributes, may provide a context that contributes to the effectiveness of the message. Channel Factors The context of the message is also defined by the means used to communicate it. Information can be communicated face-to-face, in writing, or by way of an audio tape or video tape. Note that although it is possible to hold the content of the message (the general arguments and factual evidence) constant across channels, different modes of communication will often vary in terms of some of the context factors. For instance, the audience obtains more information about physical and behavioral characteristics of the source from face-to-face or video messages than when the information is presented in written or oral form. Thus, it may be difficult in some instances to determine whether differences in persuasion are due to variations in the communication channel or to associated contextual differences that may confound the observed effect. Message Factors Potential confounding of a more serious kind can occur in the case of message factors because variations message features are often accompanied by differences in content. Message factors concern the ways in which information is communicated to the audience. Among the factors that have been considered are the order in which arguments are presented, one- versus twosided presentations, and emotional versus nonemotional appeals (e. g. , humorous messages or messages that arouse fear versus neutral messages). To see why variations in message characteristics are often confounded with differences in message content, consider the case of one- versus two-sided communications. Clearly, to present both sides of an issue, an effective message must contain information and arguments not contained in a message that supports only the advocated position. In a twosided message, the communicator mentions arguments that could be used to support the opposite side and then proceeds to refute those arguments. In addition, of course, the communicator also discusses the arguments in favor of the position advocated in the message. Only this part is the same as or similar to the one-sided message. In the case of emotional versus neutral appeals, problems of confounding occur because humorous or fear-arousing communications generally contain information and arguments specifically designed to generate these emotions. It is thus difficult to separate the effects of fear or humor from the effects due to differences in the information contained in humorous versus nonhumorous messages or in high- versus lowfear messages. Situational Factors The persuasion context contains several situational variables that do not fit easily into the traditional framework of source, message, channel, and receiver factors. Among these situational variables are distraction and forewarning. Distraction can be the result of environmental noise, or it can be internal as when a person is preoccupied with other concerns. Forewarning refers to the availability Persuasive Communication Theory Page 5 of information before exposure to the message, which warns the receiver either that an influence attempt is imminent or that the communicator is planning to advocate a certain position. In either case, forewarning may prepare receivers to rally their defenses against the forthcoming message. The Hovland Tradition Scientific work on persuasive communication began in earnest during World War II in an attempt to determine the effects of war-time propaganda (Hovland, Lumsdaine, and Sheffield, 1949). This was followed by a period of intensive experimental research at Yale University in the 1950s under the direction of Carl Hovland (Hovland, Janis, and Kelley, 1953; Sherif and Hovland, 1961). Although it was extremely prolific and highly influential, the program of research initiated by the Hovland group produced very few generalizable conclusions. By the late 1960s, disappointment with this approach had become widespread (see Eagly and Himmelfarb, 1974; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975). In this section we review the major lines of work in the Hovland tradition and consider some of the reasons for its failure. Theoretical Orientation The empirical work of the Hovland group was guided by a loose theoretical analysis based on learning principles, and by a conceptual framework that incorporated context variables (source, message, channel, and receiver factors), target variables (immediate attitude change, retention, behavior change), and mediating processes (attention, comprehension, and acceptance) (see McGuire, 1969, 1985). Very briefly, the theoretical analysis assumed that attitude change involves learning a new response to a given stimulus (the attitude object). Exposure to a persuasive message suggests the new response (the advocated position) and provides an opportunity to practice the response. The various contextual factors were assumed to facilitate learning by reinforcing and firmly embedding the new response in the receiver’s response hierarchy. Empirical Research The conceptual framework of context, target, and mediating variables served to organize thinking about the persuasion process. However, much of the empirical research in the Hovland tradition dealt primarily with the impact of contextual factors. Thus, in the 1950s and 1960s, hundreds of studies were conducted to examine the effects of source credibility and attractiveness; receiver intelligence, self-esteem, and involvement; fear appeals and order of presentation; distraction and forewarning; and a multitude of other contextual variables (see McGuire, 1985 for a recent review). Little attention was devoted to the dependent variable that serves as the target of the communication, although persistence of change over time was an early concern (see Cook and Flay, 1978). Of the mediating variables, only attention and comprehension were directly assessed. Thus, many studies contained a recall or recognition test to measure the degree to which the message was â€Å"received† (McGuire, 1968), that is, the degree to which the message was attended to and comprehended. Generally speaking, the purpose of the test was to make sure that reception did not vary across conditions of the experiment, and that whatever effects were observed could not be attributed to differences in reception. In other words, the goal was usually to rid the experiment of the mediating effect of reception, rather than to study reception in its own right. Note also that the conceptual framework had little to say about the content of persuasive communication and what its role in the persuasion process might be. Message content was treated largely as a given, while the questions addressed had to do with the effects of contextual factors on the amount of change produced by the message in question. We shall see below that this approach to the study of persuasive communication was one of the major reasons for the failure of the Hovland tradition. Effects of source factors. One of the first lines of research initiated by the Hovland group dealt with the effects of communicator credibility (Hovland and Weiss, 1951), and innumerable studies since have manipulated this variable. Of all the contextual factors studied in the Hovland tradition, variations in source credibility have produced the most consistent findings. By and large, communicators high in expertise and trustworthiness tend to be more persuasive than communicators with low standing on these factors. However, even here, some Persuasive Communication Theory Page 6 contradictory evidence has been reported. Source credibility does not always increase the amount of change, and in some situations it can even have a negative effect (cf. McGuire, 1985, p. 263). Other source characteristics are generally found to have no simple or easily predictable effects on persuasion. The communicator’s attractiveness, education, intelligence, social status, and so on can serve as cues for inferring expertise and can thus affect persuasion. However, these indirect effects do not appear to be strong enough to produce consistent results across different investigations. Effects of receiver factors. Age, gender, intelligence, self-esteem and other individual differences among receivers are rarely found to have strong effects on persuasion, and the results of different investigations are often inconsistent. Moreover, receiver factors are found to interact in complex ways with each other and with additional factors such as the complexity of the message, the type of arguments used, the credibility of the communicator, and so on. Effects of channel factors. A rather discouraging picture also emerged with respect to the effects of the medium of communication. While visual messages tend to be better liked and attended to than spoken or written messages, recall is sometimes better for written material, and adding pictures to print can be distracting (see McGuire, 1985, p. 283). In light of these contradictory effects, it is hardly surprising that empirical research on channel factors has produced largely inconsistent results. Effects of message factors. Some of the most complex patterns of findings are associated with message factors such as emotional versus nonemotional appeals, message style, and ordering of message content. With respect to the latter, consider for example whether one should state the message’s basic position at the outset or at the end. Stating it at the beginning may have the advantage of clarity, making the source appear more trustworthy, and of attracting the attention of receivers sympathetic to the advocated position. It can also have the disadvantage, however, of lowering interest and antagonizing receivers initially opposed to the advocated position (McGuire, 1985). Other message factors can have equally complicated effects. To illustrate, consider the degree to which the message arouses fear or concern. Contrary to expectations, initial research (Janis and Feshbach, 1953) showed a low-fear message to be more effective than a high-fear message in producing compliance with recommended dental practices. Later research, however, has often found the opposite effect, and many investigations have reported no differences between high- and low-fear messages (for reviews, see Boster and Mongeau, 1985 and Higbee, 1969). Similarly inconsistent findings have emerged with respect to the effects of humor in persuasive communication (see Markiewicz, 1974). Retrospective In light of largely inconsistent research findings concerning the effects of contextual variables, many investigators became discouraged with the Hovland approach. Thus, after editing a book on attitude change in 1974, Himmelfarb and Eagly reached the following pessimistic conclusions: After several decades of research, there are few simple and direct empirical generalizations that can be made concerning how to change attitudes. In fact, one of the most salient features of recent research is the great number of studies demonstrating that the empirical generalizations of earlier research are not general, but contingent on conditions not originally apparent. (Himmelfarb and Eagly, 1974, p. 94. ) In fact, the complexity of the persuasion process noted by Himmelfarb and Eagly in their reference to contingencies has been a favorite explanation for the failure of the Hovland approach. This explanation holds that persuasion is influenced by so many different factors interacting with each other that only complicated, multidimensional research strategies can cope with the complexities. However, when investigators have studied higher-order interactions, no clear or replicable patterns have emerged. Indeed, there is serious doubt that the search for complicated interactions can ever be a viable strategy (cf. Cronbach, 1975; Nisbett, 1977). The role of the receiver. Besides failing to advance our understanding of the persuasion process, the complexity explanation had the Persuasive Communication Theory Page 7 unfortunate effect of hiding the basic shortcomings of the Hovland tradition and thus delaying the search for alternatives. As is usually the case, realizing where this approach went wrong is much easier in retrospect than it was at the time. Perhaps without meaning to, the Hovland group cast the receiver in a rather passive role whose task was to â€Å"learn† the information and recommended position presented in a message. Attention and comprehension would assure that the information was absorbed, and persuasion would thus follow automatically. This view of the receiver stands in clear contradiction to much that is known about information processing. People are far from passive receivers of information. Instead, they usually act on the information that is available, integrating it (Anderson, 1971), constructing interpretations of their own (Neisser, 1976), and going in many ways beyond the information given (Bruner, 1957). This is just as true in the domain of attitudes as it is in other areas of information processing. For example, research on impression formation has shown that people draw far-ranging inferences about the attributes of another person on the basis of very limited information (Asch, 1946; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975; Wiggins, 1973). Such inferences are often said to rely on â€Å"implicit theories of personality† (Schneider, 1973) which might suggest, among other things, that if a person is said to be hostile, he is also likely to be rash, aggressive, and inconsiderate. Several other lines of research demonstrate more directly the potential importance of inference processes in persuasive communication. Thus it has been shown that a persuasive communication designed to produce a change in one belief will also lead to changes in other, related, beliefs (McGuire, 1960a; Wyer and Goldberg, 1970). It is even possible to produce change by merely making people aware of inconsistencies among their beliefs or values (McGuire, 1960b; Rokeach, 1971) in a process McGuire has termed the â€Å"Socratic† effect: After reviewing their beliefs, people tend to change some of them in the direction of increased logical consistency. In short, there is every reason to expect that receivers exposed to a persuasive communication may engage in an active process of deliberation that involves reviewing the information presented, accepting some rguments, rejecting others, and drawing inferences about issues addressed that go beyond what was mentioned in the original message. The image of the passive learner fostered in the Hovland tradition is thus highly misleading, and misses the most important aspect of persuasive communication: the receiver’s capacity for reasoning and for being swayed by the merits of a well-presented argument. Persuasion by the Peripheral Route The passive-learne r view of the receiver implicit in the Hovland approach quite naturally led to a focus on the persuasion context. If the communicator’s task is to make sure that receivers learn and absorb the contents of the message, concern turns to a search for conditions that facilitate attention to the message and comprehension of its arguments, with a concomitant lessening of interest in what the receiver does with the information that is received. Ironically, recent theory and research have established the potential importance of contextual factors, at least under certain wellspecified conditions. Once we realize what these conditions are, we can begin to understand the reasons for the inconsistent findings of research conducted within the Hovland paradigm. In the previous section we emphasized the active role of the receiver who may engage in an elaborate process of reasoning about the merits of the arguments presented in the message. This view assumes, first, that receivers are in fact sufficiently motivated to exert the required cognitive effort and, second, that they have the ability to carefully process the incoming information. It now appears that contextual factors influence persuasion only when one or both of these conditions are not met (Chaiken, 1980; Petty and Cacioppo, 1981, 1986). Motivation to process the message and elaborate on it is largely a matter of the receiver’s involvement. Different aspects of the self may be activated in a given situation, depending largely on the issue addressed, and as a result, different kinds of involvement can be generated. Specifically, the message may create involvement by dealing with receivers’ enduring values, with receivers’ ability to obtain desirable outcomes or avoid undesirable outcomes, or with the impression receivers make on others Persuasive Communication Theory Page 8 (Johnson and Eagly, 1989). However, when the message has few implications for enduring values, for important outcomes, or for selfpresentation, it produces little motivation to carefully deliberate its contents. Ability to process a message is related to factors internal to the receiver as well as to external factors. Among the internal factors are familiarity with the issues and cognitive ability and intelligence, factors that tend to increase capacity for information processing; and preoccupation with other matters and lack of time, which tend to reduce the ability to elaborate. External factors that increase the ability to process include message repetition and clarity of presentation, while external distraction and use of complicated language can reduce processing ability. Some of the contextual factors studied by the Hovland group can come into play when internal or external factors lower the receiver’s ability to process the information presented in the message. Empirical Research When ability and motivation to process the message are low, receivers can use peripheral cues (Petty and Cacioppo, 1986) or cognitive heuristics (Chaiken, 1980) to form their opinions. Chaiken assumed that receivers of a message, even if they are not very greatly involved, nevertheless are motivated to hold a â€Å"correct† view on the issue. Since, under conditions of low motivation and ability, receivers are either incapable or unwilling to deal with the merits of the advocated position, they look for contextual or peripheral cues that might provide a basis for forming an opinion. Perhaps the most powerful such cue is the communicator’s credibility, and it may be argued that this is the reason for the relatively consistent findings associated with communicator credibility. The heuristic strategy might in this case involve the following line of reasoning: â€Å"If this expert on the matter says so, it must be right. † This heuristic appears quite reasonable in that it accepts the position advocated by a credible source, even if one has not carefully scrutinized the arguments presented. Receivers can also use the source’s attractiveness, or factors related to the message such as the number of arguments it contains, as peripheral cues. Thus, a message coming from a iked source might be viewed as more trustworthy, and one that contains many arguments (even if specious) might be seen as more reliable than a message that contains few arguments. Note, however, that these rules of thumb are far less convincing as a rational basis for accepting or rejecting an advocated position, and it is perhaps for this reason that factors of this kind often fail to have strong or consistent effects on persuasion. In any event, relying on heuristics obviates th e need for careful message processing, and at the same time provides a basis for adoption of a position on the issue. Recent empirical research tends to support this view of the peripheral route to persuasion, although some complications have recently been noted (Johnson and Eagly, in press). Since excellent reviews are available elsewhere (Chaiken, 1987; Petty and Cacioppo, 1986), we limit our discussion here to an example concerning the effects of source characteristics. Recall that communicator attractiveness was one of the source characteristics studied in the Hovland paradigm that did not have a clear and consistent effect on persuasion. If treated as a peripheral cue used only when processing motivation or ability is low, more consistent findings tend to emerge. Attractiveness of the source has been varied by attributing the message to famous versus unknown individuals (Petty, Cacioppo, and Schumann, 1983) or to a likable versus an unlikable person (Chaiken, 1980). The investigators also manipulated the degree of involvement and found, as expected, that communicator attractiveness has a significantly greater effect on persuasion under low than under high involvement. Conclusions Work on the peripheral route to persuasion suggests that the source, message, channel, and receiver factors studied in the Hovland tradition can indeed influence the effectiveness of a message, but that this is likely to be the case only under conditions of low motivation or low ability to process the message. Such conditions can be obtained in the psychological laboratory that ensures some degree of attention by a captive audience even if the receivers have little interest in the topic or lack the ability to process the information presented (Hovland, 1959). In more naturalistic field settings, receivers who Persuasive Communication Theory Page 9 lack the motivation or ability to process a message can usually leave the situation, while those who remain and are exposed to the message will tend to be sufficiently involved and able to process the information it contains. Persuasion by the peripheral route is clearly an inappropriate model for many realistic situations, and it is often inapplicable even in the artificial context of the laboratory. REASONING AND PERSUASION Even when it works, there is something distinctly unsatisfactory in the demonstration of change via the peripheral route, because the change brought about does not represent persuasion as we usually think of it. We noted at the beginning that it is the process of reasoning, the evaluation of the merits of arguments in favor and opposed to the advocated position, that is at the heart of persuasive communication. Persuasion involves more than simply oing along with an expressed point of view because of the presence of some peripheral cue; it requires that the advocated position be accepted only after careful scrutiny of the message and after application of whatever other information the receiver can bring to bear. Moreover, change produced by the peripheral route is generally of little practical significance. Petty and Cacioppo (1986) noted that peripheral attitude change tends to be shortlived, tends to be susceptible to counterpropaganda (McGuire, 1964), and tends to have little effect on actual behavior. Clearly then, from both a theoretical and a practical point of view it would be to our advantage to focus less on the context of persuasion and more on the central processes that occur when a person is exposed to a message. Persuasion by the Central Route In the remainder of this chapter we examine persuasion that occurs when the receiver of a message is sufficiently able and motivated to give at least some scrutiny to the contents of the communication and to evaluate the merits of the arguments it contains. This has been termed the central route to persuasion (Petty and Cacioppo, 1981) and the deliberations receivers perform are known as systematic information processing (Chaiken, 1980). Instead of asking what makes a given message more effective, we must now ask how to construct an effective message. That is, what arguments, when systematically processed via the central route, will have the greatest impact on the receiver’s attitudes and behavior? Before we can review what is known about this question, however, we must consider the role of the receiver in greater detail. The Elaboration Likelihood Model. The peripheral route to persuasion discussed earlier is one of two tracks a receiver can take in Petty and Cacioppo’s (1981, 1986) elaboration likelihood model (ELM). The second track is persuasion via the central route. According to the ELM, central route persuasion depends on and is determined by the degree to which receivers elaborate on the information presented in the message. Briefly, during exposure to a persuasive communication, receivers are assumed to generate arguments of their own, either in support of the advocated position (pro arguments) or opposed to it (con arguments). These cognitive responses determine the direction and degree of change in attitudes and behavior. Increased motivation and ability to process the information in the message is, according to the model, associated with an increase in the number of cognitive responses (pro and con arguments) generated. To the extent that the number of arguments generated on the pro side exceeds the number of arguments on the con side, the receiver will change in the advocated direction. When elaboration leads to the production of more con than pro arguments, however, either no change or a â€Å"boomerang effect† (change in the opposite direction) may occur. From the communicator’s point of view, therefore, motivation and ability to elaborate on message content is a two-edged sword. If, on balance, the thoughts generated by the receiver favor the advocated position, then the central route to persuasion works to the communicator’s advantage. On the other hand, if the receiver’s cognitive responses consist predominantly of counterarguments, then elaboration on message content can be quite detrimental to the communicator’s purpose. A number of studies, summarized in Petty and Cacioppo (1986), have examined the role of cognitive responses in the persuasion process. In these studies, cognitive responses are elicited Persuasive Communication Theory Page 10 in a free-response format following exposure to the message. The thoughts listed by the receivers are coded as either in favor or opposed to the advocated position, and the number of responses of each type is determined. Results, by and large, support the idea that the production of cognitive responses increases with motivation and ability to elaborate. Moreover, it is also found that changes in attitudes and behavior are consistent with the pattern of cognitive responses that are generated: a balance of thoughts in favor of the advocated position tends to be associated with change in the desired direction. 2 Yielding and Impact. Consideration of cognitive responses generated by receivers in the course of exposure to the message is, however, not sufficient to account for observed changes in attitudes and behavior. For change to occur in the central mode, some of the receiver’s fundamental beliefs and values must undergo modification. Elaboration on the message may in fact lead to changes in cognitive structure, but evidence for the production of pro- or counter-arguments does not, in itself, assure that such changes have indeed taken place. Work on the elaboration likelihood model has focused primarily on cognitive responses to the message and has not dealt directly with changes in cognitive structure. The ideas discussed below are based on other recent work concerning persuasive communication via the central route (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975, 1981). According to Fishbein and Ajzen, a message can bring about changes in a receiver’s cognitive structure in one of two ways. First, in a process termed yielding, acceptance of arguments presented in the message can produce changes in corresponding beliefs held by the receiver. Consider, for example, a pregnant smoker who initially is not aware that cigarette smoking can adversely affect the health of her unborn baby. This woman is now exposed to a message containing an argument and supportive evidence that establish the link between smoking and adverse health effects on the fetus. To the extent that the argument is accepted, it produces yielding in the sense that the woman’s cognitive structure now contains a new belief that corresponds directly to the argument in question. That is, she now believes, as stated in the message, that smoking may have ill effects on her unborn baby. Changes in a receiver’s primary beliefs, however, can extend far beyond the information directly contained in the message. Such changes that go beyond the information given are termed impact effects. To illustrate, the pregnant woman exposed to the message that smoking can have detrimental health effects on her fetus may infer that she would feel guilty if she did not stop smoking and that her doctor would want her to quit, even though neither argument was explicit in the message. It is also possible, however, for her to draw inferences that would work against the aims of the communicator. For example, the woman may unexpectedly form the belief that quitting would be even worse than continued smoking because it would result in overeating. These impact effects can, of course, play a major role in the woman’s decision to quit or not to quit smoking. Evidence for the importance of considering yielding as well as impact effects can be found in a study on drinking reported in Ajzen and Fishbein (1980, pp. 218-242). Persuasive Argumentation The challenge facing a communicator trying to produce change via the central route is to create a message that will originate favorable responses, produce yielding to its arguments, and generate impact effects in accordance with the advocated change. Arguments contained in a message can be considered effective to the extent that they influence the receiver’s cognitive structure. The essential question, therefore, is what makes an argument effective. In light of the fact that rhetoricians have written about argumentation for over 2,000 years, it is surprising how little empirical knowledge is available about the relative effectiveness of different types of arguments (McGuire, 1985). An analysis of this problem reveals at least three important aspects of an argument’s effectiveness: novelty, strength, and relevance. Below we discuss each of these aspects in turn. Argument Novelty Persuasive Communication Theory Page 11 An argument contained in a message may well be accepted (i. e. , believed to be true), but if the receiver already held the belief in question before exposure to the message, no change in belief structure would result (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1981). To be effective therefore, an argument contained in a message must not be part of the receiver’s initial belief system. Some empirical evidence for this proposition can be found in research on group decision making (Vinokur and Burnstein, 1974). In the course of group discussions, members who offer novel arguments in support of a given decision alternative are found to be more influential than members who raise points that are well known to the rest of the group. Argument Strength Besides being novel, an argument must also be strong if it is to sway the receiver to adopt the advocated position. A strong argument is one that tends to produce agreement (positive thoughts) and does not encourage generation of many counterarguments (Petty and Cacioppo, 1986). Although it is not clear what makes a strong argument, its strength or weakness can be empirically established. Earlier in this chapter we gave an illustrative example of a persuasive argument taken from Petty and Cacioppo’s (1986) research program. The argument asserted that instituting a senior comprehensive examination would raise grade point averages (see p. xx). This argument and the associated evidence make a strong case for the advocated position. Compare this to the following argument, also designed to generate support for a comprehensive exam. The National Scholarship Achievement Board recently revealed the results of a study they conducted on the effectiveness of comprehensive exams at Duke University. One major finding was that student anxiety had increased by 31%. At comparable schools without the exam, anxiety increased by only 8%. The Board reasoned that anxiety over the exams, or fear of failure, would motivate students to study more in their courses while they were taking them. It is likely that this increase in anxiety observed at Duke University would also be observed and be of benefit at other universities that adopt the exam policy (Petty and Cacioppo, 1986, p. 57). Although this argument is quite similar in structure to the strong argument presented earlier, it appears to present a much weaker case. In fact, this argument is typically found to generate many counterarguments. Clearly, in order to create an effective message, it is in the communicator’s interest to select strong arguments and avoid including arguments that tend to elicit negative thoughts about the advocated position. Argument Relevance Related to the question of an argument’s strength is its relevance to the advocated position. An argument may be strong in the sense that it generates few counterarguments and many pro arguments, but if it addresses an issue that is not directly relevant to the advocated position, it may fail to produce the desired effect. This point is often not sufficiently appreciated. Suppose a communicator would like to convince students to attend an anti-apartheid demonstration in Washington, D. C. , and thus exposes the students to a persuasive message against apartheid in South Africa. Although the arguments contained in the message may be strong in the sense that they are believable and generate few counterarguments, the message may not be very effective as a means of inducing students to go to Washington. To make the message more relevant in terms of this goal, one would have to include strong arguments that deal more directly with the advantages of attending the planned demonstration. A relevant argument, then, is one that changes those primary beliefs of the receiver that are directly related to the target of the influence attempt, that is, to the attitude or behavior the communicator wishes to affect. Different target variables are based on different primary beliefs, and an effective message must be tailored to fit the target in question. General discussions of different target variables and their respective foundations of primary beliefs can be found in Fishbein and Ajzen (1975, 1981) and in Fishbein and Manfredo (Chapter xx, this volume). It is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide an in-depth review. Briefly, Fishbein and Ajzen distinguish Persuasive Communication Theory Page 12 among beliefs, attitudes, intentions, and behaviors as possible targets of a persuasive communication. To effect a change in any one of these target variables, the message arguments must be directed at the primary beliefs that provide the basis for the target in question. The first step in the construction of a message, therefore, requires a decision about the relevant primary beliefs, a process that cannot be left to intuition but must be guided by a model of the target’s determinants. Social psychologists have discussed a variety of approaches to understanding beliefs and attitudes and their relations to behavior, but perhaps the most popular models can be found within the framework of the theory of reasoned action (Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975; Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980) and its recent extension, the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1985, 1988). The discussion below considers each target variable in turn; however, a full understanding of the process is gained only by considering the relations among the different variables. Changing behavior. According to the theory of reasoned action, many behaviors of interest to social psychologists are under volitional control and, hence, are in an immediate sense determined by the intention to perform the behavior in question. A successful persuasive communication designed to change a certain behavior must therefore contain arguments that will bring about a change in the antecedent intention. The theory of planned behavior oes beyond the question of intended action, taking into account the possibility that the behavior of interest may not be completely under volitional control. To be successful, the message may have to provide information that will enable the receiver to gain volitional control and overcome potential obstacles to performance of the behavior. A review of evidence in suppo rt of these propositions can be found in Ajzen (1988). Changing intentions. The antecedents of behavioral intentions are, according to the theory of reasoned action, the person’s attitude toward the behavior and his or her subjective norm. The attitude toward the behavior refers to the evaluation of the behavior as desirable or undesirable, and the subjective norm is the perceived social pressure to perform or not to perform the behavior in question. The theory of planned behavior again adds to this model a consideration of volitional control. When issues of control arise, intentions are influenced not only by attitudes and subjective norms but also by perceived behavioral control (Ajzen and Madden, 1986; Schifter and Ajzen, 1985). A persuasive communication designed to influence intentions (and thus also behavior) can be directed at one or more of the intention’s three determinants: attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. Changing attitudes. We arrive at the level of primary beliefs as we consider the determinants of a person’s attitudes. According to the theory of reasoned action, attitudes are a function of salient beliefs about the attitude object (a person, group, institution, behavior or other event). Each salient belief links the object to an attribute or to an outcome in the case of a behavior. The attitude is determined by the strength of these beliefs and by the evaluations associated with the attributes (Fishbein, 1963; Ajzen and Fishbein, 1980). Beliefs about the attitude object that are salient prior to presentation of the message can be elicited in a free-response format. The message is then constructed such that it will either change some of the existing beliefs, either in their strength or their evaluations, or introduce new beliefs into the belief system. Changing beliefs. To change a specific belief on an issue, the persuasive communication has to address some of the information on which the belief is based. Several probabilistic models that link prior information to a given belief have been proposed and validated (McGuire, 1960b; Wyer and Goldberg, 1970; for a review see Slovic, Fischhoff, and Lichtenstein, 1977). These models suggest that the information introduced by the persuasive communication must be information from which the belief in question can be probabilistically inferred. Conclusions The focus in recent years on the central route to persuasion holds great promise for a better understanding of persuasive communication. This route deals with the essence of the persuasion process, with changes in the fundamental beliefs on which the receivers’ attitudes and actions are based. Although much remains to be done, social psychologists have gained considerable insight into some of the cognitive processes that are at work during and Persuasive Communication Theory Page 13 after exposure to a persuasive communication, and into the practical aspects of constructing an effective message. SUMMARY This chapter provided a brief historical perspective on persuasive communication theory in social psychology. No attempt was made to discuss all theoretical developments in detail as this task would require a book in itself. Instead, the focus was on a few dominant lines of theoretical development, from the beginnings of scientific research on persuasion in the 1940s to the present day. The work initiated by Hovland and his associates tended to view the receivers of a persuasive communication as passively learning the information presented and then changing their beliefs and attitudes accordingly. This view led to a concern with contextual factors, and virtual neglect of the contents of the communication and its processing by the receiver. Few generalizable conclusions emerged from the research guided by this approach, and by the late 1960s the failure of the Hovland approach was widely acknowledged. Progress was recorded when attention turned from contextual or peripheral factors to persuasion via the central route. Contextual factors were found to be important only under conditions of low involvement or low ability to process the message. It was discovered, however, as a general rule, that receivers of a message are far from passive, engaging in an active process of analyzing and elaborating on the information presented. It became clear that the effects of a persuasive communication could not be understood unless careful attention was given to these cognitive processes. Theoretical and empirical developments of the past two decades have enabled us to consider receivers’ cognitive responses during exposure to a message, yielding to the arguments contained in the message, and the message’s impact on other beliefs not explicitly mentioned. These developments have also resulted in a much closer examination of the contents of persuasive communications, with an eye toward selecting arguments that will have the maximum effect on the target of the influence attempt. 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